| FİŞEK ENSTİTÜSÜ - ISGUVENLIGI.NET - BİLİŞİM - BEYİN GÖÇÜ - UZAK ÜLKE |
|
|
Young Girl LabourElimination of Child Labour: Differences Between Girl & Boy Child Labour By Assoc. Prof. A. Gurhan Fisek This report was presented at the III. National Demography Conference (December 2-5, 1997-Ankara) The
trouble of people is usually their own;
Child labour is the reflection of "poverty" and "hope" both at the same time. On the one hand, it indicates hopelessness, on the other, efforts to find a way out. Rather than extending this list, it is better to evaluate all these under one heading. Child labour is one of the most significant indicator of the inadequacies of social security systems. Because, both these children and their families regard their assurance inadequate concerning both today and tomorrow; and consequently, they seek an "individual release" by themselves. Child labour is a mortgage put over the future of a nation through becoming widespread of the individual release efforts and through its impact over the national economy-politics.
*
Children's getting into the working life at an
early age is incongruous withhuman rights. Why?
*
Social necessities pave a way for children's
starting to work at an early age. In order to hold this fact back,
these social necessities should be come to a halt. What are these
social necessities then?
*
In the event children's rights
and necessities contradict with each other, which arbiter they shall
apply to?
Thisarbiter is the child himself/herself. As for our
researches, it isderived that children "voluntarily" get into the
workinglife (Table 1,2,3).1
Accordingly, elimination of the necessities that push
children to get into the working life (or becoming widespread of
"involuntarily" working children) is the precondition for
the elimination of child labour.
InTurkey, it has been frequently encountered with
children below theage of 15 for years on end. According to the findings of the
StateStatistics Institute, the number of working children between 6-15
years old is 1.008.019.2
Of these, there are 597.646 (59,3 %) males, and
410.373 (40,7 %)females.
Once again, the same source states that the majority of
female child workers not attending to schools is from the
agricultural sector (83,8 %). The same is true for male child
workers; but in that case, the rate drops to 55,7 %.
Carriedover people who worked in the agricultural
sector during childhood,one of our studies demonstrates that the employment age
differentiates in accordance with the type of the product, and that
male child workers, approximately at the age of 14, leave their
homelands as seasonal workers.3
On the other side, male workers, starting to work
approximately atthe age of 12,6, have a rural origin in
general.4
It is also explicated that male children are inclined
to urban livingdue to the monotony of rural living and the limited-inadequate
futureexpectations. For female children, on the other hand, there is nosuch
opportunity to be talked of. They only experience urbanconditions as an
extension of their fathers or husbands; otherwise,they still engage in
agricultural works. * Primary Indicators of Gender
Discrimination in Working Life:
The inequalities between men and women just start at a
mother's womb. The traditional roles imputed to gender roles
have an impact over the expectations for an innate "authority".
Furthermore, this expectations persist through the family circle
organisations directing children and their inclinations.
The traditional role attributed to girls is a dependent
and secondary role, rather than related with the formation of an
independent personality. This situation also indicates itself at the
"formal education" and "vocational training"
issues.
Not being able to complete their education, these girls
tend to be worked in domestic works or family enterprises dominantly.
These works are the ones they plan to do in the future after they get
married.
Apart from the conception of work as a mean of
"socialisation", this inclination, on the contrary,
brings about the non-socialisation (or social isolation) of
individuals.
Hampering girls to be conscious of their womanhood
identity and individuality and to acquire a self-confidence, these
inclinations are the reflection of traditional codes of behaviour
operating through "extended family" idea.
While male children are
sent to acquire a skill (an occupation) at workplaces as a full-time
employee, female children are detained from learning a desired
profession and establishing in-group relations. Getting into the
working life at an early age, male children advantage mostly from the
relations they establish with business circles. This helps them to
find a job easily and chose an employer-master worker freely,
compared with the ones coming from the formal education institutions.
All these relations are established in a way that continues lifelong.
Contrarily, it is not possible for female children, who
succeed in getting into the working life, to talk about such lifelong
or in-group relations. Before all else, the system of traditional
codes of behaviour do persist at workplaces as well; and these female
children are tried to be kept socially isolated through strict
discipline mechanisms and conveyance services.
Aschildren start to work in accordance with the
decision of theirparents, their opinions are not generally asked (85 % for
girls; 67 %for boys). On that ground, there are significant statistical
differences between female and male child workers (chi- square =
6,16; p = 0,0131). It has been found out that children,
generally, regard the jobs chosen for them and their families'
tendencies to get them started to that job as "suited to their
desires", and that does not show any variation between males
and females (Table-1). The rate of female children who are not asked
about their inclinations is 18 %.
TABLE-1
GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF CHILD WORKERS (14-16 YEARS OLD)
ACCORDING TO THE FAVOURABILITY OF THE JOBS
CONCERNING THE DESIRES OF CHILDREN
(chi-square= 0,12; p = 0,73 unimportant) However, as these children are elaborated with respect to their origins in addition to the job replacement patterns, one can acquire significant statistical results (Table-2). Urban origin children, however much they are not asked about their opinions, are replaced to favourable jobs in general. However, the same fact cannot be applicable for the rural origin children at the same degree. TABLE-2DISTRIBUTION OF THE ORIGINS OF CHILDREN ACCORDING TO THE FAVOURABILITY OF THE JOBS CONCERNING THE DESIRES OF CHILDREN
(chi-square= 4,54; p = 0,0330 important)
Another indicator, pointing whether children are compatible with the "job" chosen or proving whether they are replaced in a job according to their wills, is their emotional responses when they are said "we've found you a job". As shown in Table-3, 85 % of the children states that they felt "delighted" and "glad" when they were said so. On the other hand, 21 % of the female children and 8 % of the male children felt "unhappy" and "panic". This difference is statistically significant. TABLE-3GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF CHILD WORKERS ACCORDING TO THEIR EMOTIONAL RESPONSES TO THE FIRST JOB PLACEMENT
(chi-square= 4,62; p = 0,0316 important) Elaboration of the motives influencing the inclinations of children to work, even if they are at the age of enjoying their childhood and playing games, is one of the key facts that would assist us to withdraw children from working life. In order to refer this, the reasons of both children and their families have been investigated in this regard. TABLE-4 APPROACHES OF FAMILIES REGARDING THE CAUSES OF CHILD WORKING
(chi-square= 43,19; p = 0,000001 very important) *(The rate of importance of these two foremost causes among all thecauses referring child working: 94 %) Insofaras the impressions of child workers are concerned, children statethat parents want them to work, because "they necessitate theirfinancial contribution" or they want them "to learn aprofession". The rate of these two causes is 94 % of the all causes. Furthermore, these two basic causes are predominantly influenced by gender variable. As Table-4 demonstrates, "economic contribution" of the female workers is a determinant factor for females to be involved in working life. On the contrary, for male child workers, it is the worry for learning an occupation that has a superior impact on job placement. By this, male child workers are expected to learn an occupation to be performed lifelong. Apart from formal education facilities, they should learn such an occupation that would guarantee to find a job. Because, getting acquainted with the business circle and the contacts established would allow child workers to find new and more "favourable" jobs. This situation also clarifies the fact that male employees more frequently change their jobs (55 %). On the other hand, female workers do not change their jobs with 77 % frequency. This difference bears a significant meaning statistically (chi-square = 11,87; p=0,00057). Female workers do not frequently change their workplaces having been chosen with a great care. Considering the importance of economic reasons that cause young girls to work, its is pretty through-provoking that they don't incline towards better payment providing jobs in their future occupational lives. Here, the dominant theme appears as the girls' being kept under protection due to various reasons like "chastity". And for this reason, these girls are worked nearby an employer well-known by their parents. Nevertheless, as people insist on maintaining these so-called reliable relationships despite ill-treatments and negative working conditions, it increases the losses. The same insistence is not applicable for male child workers. As Table-5 presents, above mentioned findings seem compatible with the children's demands as well. However, families' opinions on the causes of male and female child working are the strong indicator of gender discrimination reality. TABLO-5
(chi-square= 21,72; p = 0,000028 very important) *(The rate of importance of these two foremost causes among all thecauses referring child working: 80 %) Itis not futile that child workers develop various defence mechanismsin order to endure the difficulties of working life and to remainstanding in the world of adults. One of these defence mechanisms is their beginning to smoke at an early age. As the first step of various addictions, the average age for starting smoking gets younger; and according to a study, 39 % of working children states that their habit begins at the age of 15. 5 Thesechildren struggle for guaranteeing their future. This situation canbe considered in relation with their future expectations as well(Table-6). One of the most dominantly observed future expectations of child workers is to set up themselves up in business in the future. Yet, this hope shows variations between male and female child workers. Although 88 % of male child workers want to set up themselves up in the future, this rate is only 23 % for female child workers. TABLE-6 GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF CHILD WORKERSACCORDING TO THEIR FUTURE EXPECTATIONS, PARTICULARLY ABOUT SETTING UP THEMSELVES UP IN BUSINESS
(chi-square= 80,74; p = 0,00001 very important) Yet, another fact that should be touched upon with great care comes on the scene when this distribution is made according to the age differences. Among 9 years old children, the rate of desire to set up a business of their own is only 9 %; but this rate starts to increase among children at the age of 15-16 (Table-7). This increase is statistically meaningful as well. TABLE-7ACCORDINGTO AGE DIFFERENCES
*(The rate of reason is 24 % of all the reasons indicating the priorities about future expectations) *(Fisher's p = 0,000969 very
important)
For the same age group, another striking future
expectation is the increasing desire of female child workers to
become a "housewife". Therefore, this statistically
significant difference should be especially touched upon in addition
to female child workers' tendency to quit their jobs after
getting married. They are socially indoctrinated with the idea that
they "work for their trousseau" and that they should be
the "lady of the house" after getting married. Working
life, on the other hand, operates in a way that it makes people, who
are incompatible with this idea, in compliance with it.
As for "young" girl workers, the conditions
that turn work into a torment and that dissuade them from working
should be investigated thoroughly. Concerning these, the first one is
about the preferences in working life; that is strict disciplinary
tendencies, rather than enriching psychological approaches. Another
one is the tendency detaining young people from working life as they
grow old, which also increases through the desire of female workers
to get married. Another significant factor is sexual harassment cases
against female workers, in addition to heavy and unhealthy working
conditions. Female youngsters tend to conceal such cases with various
worries, particularly about the "possibly of being fired"
and of "being withdrawn by their parents" from working
life. However, such a concealment intensifies the degree of torments
and makes these female youngsters think that they wound not work
lifelong. Another factor that causes female youngsters to avoid
working is related with the distribution of salaries they get.
Required to hand over all the salary she gets, a female worker
becomes aware of the fact: "today, for her father; tomorrow,
for her husband". Therefore, she feels that she would never
experience her "economic independence" that she expect
from this onerous working life.
TABLE-8
ACCORDING TO THEIR EXPECTATIONS
REGARDING THE DESIRE TO BECOME A HOUSEWIFE
AFTER GETTING MARRIED
(chi-square = 4,51; p = 0,0038 important) (therate of this reason is 36 % of all the reasons indicating the priorities about future expectations) Among these factors, strict disciplinary tendencies and ill-treatments have a significant place. A girl, while trying to escape from being shut in home, is shut in a workplace this time. Once again, it is a significant constraining factor that young female workers are exposed to sexual harassment (and not being able to utter this) at workplaces. Another factor destroying children's motivations to work is their being required to allot all the money they earn. Although they are able to have a "relative" right on this issue as time passes, the same gender differences are also applicable for the same problem. The rate of young female workers who hand over all they earn to their families is 51 %; and it is 30 % for their male counterparts. On the contrary, the rate of young workers who hand over nothing or a limited amount as necessitates is 18 % for females and 21 % for males. This difference is not that significant statistically. TABLE-9 GENDER DISTRIBUTION OF CHILD WORKERSACCORDING TO THE ALLOTMENT OF WAGES THEY EARN TO THEIR PARENTS
(chi-square= 7,21 p = 0,00725 important)
*
Intervention strategies for the
elimination of child labour:
The picture under consideration allows us to implement
three different strategies with respect to the intervention of
society to the child labour problem. These are:
Short-term strategies:
Appropriate conditions should be brought about in order
to urgently withdraw "involuntarily" working children
from working life;
Concerning voluntarily working children, in order to
preserve their physical, psychological and social well-being,
appropriate organisations should be urgently reached to these
children, and working environments should be meliorated.
Long-term strategies:
New economic and social policies should be developed in order to hold
back the tendencies that consider early job placement as a way of
release.
*
The development of the Combat with Poverty program would
create a convenient environment for social security systems to be
provided "for all and in a sufficient degree"; esteem for
human beings to be raised; and child rights to be put into practice
(the rights declared since 1924 through international conventions).
Combating for these to be achieved is the duty of all.
But still, the problems of children, who work because of
"desperation", should not be awaited any longer. Because,
today's child workers will become adults with a worn-out bodily
structure and in a gruelling living, until favourable results are get
from these long-term programs.
For this reason, expected to bring about urgent results,
short-term intervention programs should be put into practice as well.
For implementing these programs and carrying out related model
studies, social organisations (non-governmental organisations) should
come to the foreground with an increasing responsibility.
Fisek Institute, since the time of its establishment in
1982, has been in close co-operation with the small-scale enterprises
employing child workers; accordingly, it has developed "community
medicine approach" with a self-sustaining "model study"
that is based on mutual trust.
Regarding the effectuation of social precautions, Fisek
Model considers occupational health and safety precautions as having
an utmost importance. For this process to be accomplished, it is
aimed that present service units should be turned into social
politics units.
ThroughFisek Model, various "firsts" have
come along in Turkey;yet it bears the same "firsts" and
"originalities"at the world scale as well.
6
The institute has been the first in achieving the
co-ordination ofhealth services provided for small-scale enterprises around a
samefocus, in addition to its performing this provision through mobileclinics
(mobile unit). Nowadays, this model has been executed inAnkara, Istanbul and
Denizli; and its sustainability has beenachieved through the contribution of
small-scale employers.
The differences of Fisek Model from its counterparts
around the world can be classified as follows:
As the model proceeded forward, wide-spreading the model
and organising it around a same focus have been necessitated; and
these brought about the formation of Fisek Institute-Science and
Action Foundation for Child Labour. Such a foundational model about
child workers helps public participation to be increased; and hence,
broadens our horizon as for implementational efforts.
One of these horizons is the bridge established between
the women movement and the studies carried out in Denizli for girl
child workers.
The gender of a child worker is a determinant factor
both for the specification of the precedential strategies and for
their implementation. Because, it appears both as the extension of
traditional roles and as having a potential influence over the future
of these children.
*
Concerning urgent intervention
programs about child workers, what are the different approaches
specifically concentrating on girl child workers?
Forthe first years of the 19th century,
during which thefirst precautions on social policies came to the foreground,
childworkers were given a special emphasis. Just successively, protection
of working women was put on the agenda. Until so far, there have been
innumerable conventions and declarations issued for child workers and
working women.
Although it is discussible whether such protection
exists for women, it is a non-debatable fact that women's
working is an indicator of civilisation and socialisation. Women's
working, their being preferred in working life and building a career
give rise to three successful results:
It is not only "vocational training"
facilities that allow women to remain standing in the working life.
Various educational facilities should also be provided particularly
about "acquaintanceship with one's own body",
"raising awareness on womanhood identity", "solidarity
among women", "legal arrangements", "reproductive
health", and etc. It is the early ages during which such
facilities are provided in the best way.
Contrary to the traditional expectations, young girls
tend to break the circle they are in, detain their marriages, and
acquire a profession. Yet, they rarely find an opportunity to
accomplish these; hence then, they withdraw themselves into home
after getting married.
However, such withdrawal is not only due to the fact
that they have not acquired a profession as they've pleased;
but also due to unawareness and disorganisation. Concerning the
project that we have carried out in Denizli, we endeavour that young
female workers would meet with different occupational opportunities
in accordance with their own desires; hence, we endeavour to support
their enterprises accordingly.
Aiming at the "improvement of their enterprises",
such programs on girl children and young girls should certainly
include and treat the dimension of "women's human
rights". Additionally, this program should also persuade them
to continue on their careers even after getting married.
*
Child workers are deprived of the opportunity to enjoy
their childhood, while their coevals are able to attend schools and
play games in the parks through the taxes paid by these child
workers. Society should eliminate this injustice; hence, society
should pay its debt of loyalty back to these children again.
For this to be achieved, we propose you the Fisek Model.
1 The data
used in this report have been derived from the studies carried out by Fisek
Institute in Denizli and in 1996 (They have been still carried out). Concerning
this issue, children attending to the Apprenticeship Education Centres have been
chosen as the universe, all of which have been interviewed and undergone a
health examination. An then, girl and boy apprentices (that are at the same
age group and from the same urban or rural origin with the girls)
have been selected from the survey forms systematic sampling.
2
DIE: "Cocuk Isgucu 1994" - T.C. Basbakanlik Devlet
Istatistik Enstitüsü Yayini , Public. No.
1997. 3
Fisek A.G.: Special Risk Factors on Children at Work – a
research supported by (Unpublished Report) - 1985. 4
Fisek A.G.: "Medico-social Problems of Child Workers"
– a research supported by MEAWARDS (Its findings have been published in
various periodicals in an article format; i.e.: "Working Life and
Children", II. Labour Health Congress Book (April 4-7, 1988)
, Turkish Medical Association Publications, 1991.
5
Baytemur M., Kocak A., Fisek A.G.: "A Research on the
Factors Effecting the Smoking of Children between 13-15 years of Age"
Working Environment Periodical, May-June 1994, No:14
p.33. 6
Fisek A.G.: "Occupational Health and Safety Unit at
Small-scale Industrial Regions: Fisek Model", Working Environment
Periodical, September-October 1995, No. 22, p.7.
Fisek Institute Science and Action Foundation for Child Labour |